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Closer Than Ever
(TIME, May 5, 1952) -- The Republican presidential contenders were pounding
hard around the far turn last week,
and the race was closer than ever. Bob Taft's strategy had been to leap into the
lead at the post, and stay well ahead.
Ike Eisenhower had started slowly, but had gained steadily after he settled down
to run in earnest. now, for the first
time, the general was just about neck & neck with the Senator in the only
statistic that really counts: the number of
committed delegates.
Chipping & Corralling. The closeness of the race was something of a triumph
for both sides. Despite the great, popular
groundswell that rolled up for Ike in New Hampshire, New Jersey and Minnesota,
Taft had rolled up most of the delegates
in Wisconsin, Illinois and Nebraska. But the Eisenhower forces had inched out
important gains that upset the Taft
organization's neat plan for early victory. That bloc of 500 delegates from
three Taft strongholds-the Midwest, the South,
and the Mountain States-plus more than 100 scattered reinforcements from other
parts of the country. The Eisenhower forces
chipped away some of Taft's Midwest bloc, e.g., Iowa, 15 for Ike, nine for Taft,
corralled some delegates in the Mountain
States, and were applying the Eisenhower brand of solvent to Taft's Solid
South.
Candidate Eisenhower's biggest single gain in delegates came last week when
New york's district delegates were picked.
The gain was expected, since Ikeman Tom Dewey controls the New York G.O.P.
organization. But the figures were still
impressive: 73 for Ike, one for Taft, 16 in doubt. In nine clear-cut contests
between pledged delegate candidates,
Ike won eight, Taft one.
For the next month, the race will continue to be close. Ohioan Taft will make
some important gains when his home state names
its 56 delegates May 6. But Ike will be picking up delegates along the way, too.
Neither candidate is likely to jump into
a commanding lead until four big, key delegations begin to get into line. The
four: Pennsylvania (70), Michigan (46),
Texas (38), and California (70).
Confusing U Varied. In Pennsylvania last week, General Eisenhower won another
popular victory. He ran away with
Pennsylvania's presidential preference primary, polling 847,420 votes, the most
any candidate ever got in a
Pennsylvania primary. Bluff Senator Jim Duff was the state's only big Republican
in public support of Eisenhower,
and the machine of former senator Joseph R. Grundy was solid against him. But
Ike ran 31,000 votes ahead of Senator
Ed Martin, who won renomination with the zealous support of all the regular
G.O.P. organization. In eight head-on tests,
the voters elected six Ike-pledged delegates, only two for Taft.
Despite the Eisenhower victory, however, only seven of Pennsylvania's
delegates could be firmly counted for Ike. Two were
for taft (who got a record 172,829 write-in votes in the preference poll), and
the rest had to be listed as uncommitted.
Reason: the presidential preference vote is just "eyewash" to the Pennsylvania
politicos. The key man now is Governor
John S. Fine, who will control 32 of the delegates. He wasn't saying where his
votes will go, but he did not seem overly
impressed by the primary result. Said he: "Election returns speak what partisans
desire to read into them. Many of the
answers are as confusing as they are varied."
Confidence & Doubt. In Michigan, only 13 of the 46 delegates are solidly
committed (seven for Eisenhower, six for Taft).
But in Texas, where delegates will be chosen at a state convention May 27, and
in California, where the delegation is
still in earl Warren's pocket, Eisenhower supporters struck one shrewd blow last
week. H.J. (Jack) Porter, head of the
Eisenhower-for- President Club of texas, said he wrote Ike asking him whether he
favors "state or federal ownership of
the 'tidelands.'" Ike's reply (which pleased oil-rich Texas and California
alike): "Once again, I agree with the principle
that federal ownership in this case, as in others, is one that is calculated to
bring about steady progress toward
centralized ownership and control, a trend which I have bitterly opposed."
With the race in balance and the first ballot at the national convention only
ten weeks away, both sides were outwardly
confident. The Taft forces held firm to their prediction of 650 first-ballot
votes, 47 more than enough for nomination.
Said henry Cabot Lodge, Ike's campaign manager: "We're in striking distance of
the first ballot." But in spite of these
calm expressions of confidence, the wise politicians on both sides knew that the
big breaks ahead could still throw the
race either way.
Ruckuses & Rump Sessions
In Colorado, bob Taft's supporters swore that he would get at least twelve of
the state's 18 delegates to the national
Convention. Just to nail everything down, Taft's good friend Senator Eugene D.
Millikin went home from Washington to
speak up for Bob. The roof blew off before Millikin could raise a hammer.
Eisenhower supporters under Governor Dan Thornton
stormed the precinct and county caucuses, went on to take control of the
district and state conventions. Last week the Ike
supporters courteously permitted Millikin a place on the delegation, but rang up
a solid victory for Eisenhower. The final
count: Ike 15, Taft two, Harold E. Stassen one.
Other convention results of the week:
- In Georgia, the officially recognized Republican faction took a chink out of
Taft's Southern armor in ten district
conventions. Results: ten delegates for Ike one for Taft, one for Warren, one
uncommitted.
- In Louisiana, where Eisenhower supporters tried to outmaneuver the pro-Taft
party leaders, Republicans split wide
open and wound up in a whole series of rump sessions. Best pattern that could be
drawn out of the post-convention confusion:
eight delegates in dispute, two for Taft conceded by Eisenhower forces, five for
Ike not disputed but not yet conceded by
the Taft men.
- In Utah, Republicans met in the Rainbow Randevu, on salt Lake City's South
Main Street, argued so long over state
convention procedure that votes were still being counted when the big
Saturday-night dance started. While the band played
Be My Life's Companion, the result was announced: 14 delegates down the line for
Taft.
- In Minnesota, Republican leaders of the Third and Fifth Congressional
districts, which were carried by Ike's spectacular
primary write-in vote, met and confirmed the results: four delegates for Ike.
Previous winner of Minnesota's 24 other
delegate votes: Harold Stassen.
- In Arizona, Taft men wanted the state delegation committed to the unit rule,
and the Eisenhower forces rebelled. When the
argument tied the state convention in parliamentary knots, Pro-Taft Author
Clarence Budington Kelland, national committeeman,
seized the microphone and roared: "This convention is approaching a point of
absurdity. It is a completely ridiculous mess.
I move to get out of this mess that we adjourn." Finally, the convention
abandoned the unit rule, did about what it was
expected to: ten delegates for Taft, two for Eisenhower, two uncommitted.
- In Arkansas, where senator Taft himself keynoted the state convention, the
delegates followed the keynoter: seven for
Taft, one for Eisenhower, three uncommitted.
DEMOCRATS Duel in the South
On a grey afternoon last week, 150 police motorcycles popped and putted along
Atlanta's downtown Peachtree Street.
Behind them, in a red bus bearing the hopeful sign "White House, Washington,
D.C.," a high-school band tootled Dixie.
More than 250,000 Georgians, lined along the city's sidewalks and gazing out of
windows, applauded as a hawk-beaked man
in a blue Cadillac convertible smiled and waved his white Panama hat. It was
Georgia's own Senator Dick Russell, the
Southern Democrat's choice, come home to start his campaign for the Democratic
presidential nomination.
That night, 3,400 Southerners paid $50 apiece to squeeze into four dining
rooms of the Atlanta Biltmore Hotel for Dick
Russell's opening campaign fund dinner. Georgia's Governor Herman Talmadge and
three neighboring governors-South Carolina's
James F. Byrnes, Florida's Fuller Warren and Mississippi's Hugh White- were on
hand. There were delegations from Louisiana,
Texas and Alabama. it was an impressive launching of the S.S. Southern Democrat,
1952.
Characteristic & Dry. Dick Russell drifted through the dining rooms soberly
clad in black shoes and a neat dark blue suit.
Then he took his place at one of the three head tables to deliver a
characteristic speech, dry but sensemaking, warning
against Government waste, defending states' rights and condemning corruption. He
had to cut out his sharpest debating point
because radio and television time was running out, and he didn't get to make it
until a press conference two days later.
The argument: he is the only Democratic candidate who can beat Eisenhower
because he can carry the South Said Russell: "With
148 electoral votes in the 13 states, I only need to get 118 from the other 35
states . . . ." (Russel was using old figures.
As a result of the 1950 census, the 13 states suffered a net loss of two
electoral votes, now have 146.)
The next day, Russell flew across the border into Florida to get down to
urgent business. In florida's May 6 presidential
popularity contest-and in a second election 21 days later to choose Florida's 24
delegates-Russell is pitted against the
current Democratic primary champ himself, Tennessee's Estes Kefauver.
Four Blocks Away. Russell lost no time in taking aim at Estes' coonskin cap.
Said he: "I understand my opponent has been
here and addressed you . . . He's a member of the Armed Services Committee of
which I am chairman. he is more fortunate than
I in being able to stay away from washington to present his candidacy. I have
not been able to do that because I have
certain specific legislative responsibilities . . . We would have been glad to
have him with us to work . . . on
important matters . . ."
Russell took note of the Kefauver campaign methods. "I have noticed my
opponent in the role of underdog. He has referred to
the machine being against him . . . He is doing pretty well with his operation.
I read where he has twelve rooms in a hotel
four blocks from the White House. I hope that's as close as he gets . . ."
Russell challenged Kefauver to a winner-take-all bet on the Florida primary,
kept hammering away at Kefauver's sponsorship of
Atlantic Union: "It will be a blow to the cause of liberty around the world to
submerge the sovereignty of the U.S. with
other nations." On his first day, Russell spoke to 7,500 in Gainesville, Ocala,
Leesburg and Orlando, finished with a bright
pink case of sunburn on his bald head. He planned 30 speeches in ten days.
The Governor Was Out. Dick russell knew he was up against some tough
competition. Kefauver, the man with few delegates but
plenty of popular victories behind him, had already trudged through a good part
of Florida with hand extended, and would be
back again this week.
In Tallahassee, he marched into the state capitol to shake the hand of
Governor Warren, who has been feuding with Kefauver
ever since the Senate Crime Investigating Committee brought out some
embarrassing facts about the political connections of
gamblers in Florida. The governor just happened to be out. When Estes heard that
a former Florida National guard chief had
refused to attend a Kefauver house rally, he was on the man's doorstep at 7 a.m.
He was invited in, and talked over coffee
for almost an hour. Said his startled host: "he almost convinced me."
Kefauver called in his 81-year-old father for a handshaking tour, and
Illinois' Senator Paul Douglas flew down for some
speeches. Watching this duel in the South, most politicians and reporters agreed
that the odds favored Dick Russell. He
is the regular Southern Democrat; he has powerful organization support (from
Governor Warren, Florida's full congressional
delegation); he was drawing bigger crowds than Kefauver. But the experts were
beginning to get a little leary of quoting the
odds when Estes Kefauver is running.
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