MARCH 10, 2000 VOL. 26 NO. 9

Meeting Force With Force
Estrada strikes back - hard - at the MILF
By ANTONIO LOPEZ Mindanao

ALSO: Mindanao Then and Now

Philippine Daily Enquirer Smoke belches from a ferry after two buses aboard the vessel were blown up

A series of violent incidents greeted Mindanao residents on Feb. 25, a day before Philippine President Joseph Ejercito Estrada was to begin his six-day visit to the southern island. Terrorists blew up two passenger buses onboard a ferry boat in Ozamiz City, killing 45 and injuring 20. Another bus was similarly attacked in Rizal town, injuring 10, while a fourth bus-bomb was discovered before detonation in Cagayan de Oro City. Two days later, a radio station was bombed in Cotabato City; seven people were injured.

The attacks were blamed on the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), a hardline guerrilla group that has been fighting for an independent Muslim state in Mindanao for over two decades. But Al Murad, MILF vice chairman for military affairs, denied any responsibility. "We deny involvement in the bombings," he said. "If we did it, we would claim it since it would serve a political objective."

Instead, he pointed to the armed forces: "This is part of a [military] plan to picture the MILF as a terrorist organization and ultimately influence Estrada to give his blessings to attack the MILF camps and create a total war in Mindanao." And when things go out of control, "the military will project Estrada as incapable of governing the country and move in against him in a sort of military takeover."

Hardly anyone paid attention to Murad's fanciful conspiracy theory, but the bombings did serve to remind Filipinos that the Mindanao problem remains less than fully resolved four years after a peace accord was signed with the Moro National Liberation Front, the main Muslim separatist group. The pact saw MNLF leader Nur Misuari become governor of the Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), which consists of four provinces that chose to become autonomous in a 1989 referendum (Mindanao's other nine provinces opted to keep their status unchanged). Misuari's leadership, however, has come under criticism, with many complaining that he has achieved little in the four years since. "Misuari has totally lost his credibility," says Nabil Tan, a former vice governor of ARMM and now an adviser to Estrada.

Meanwhile, the MILF, which broke away from the MNLF in 1978 and rejected the 1996 peace agreement, has been continuing with its struggle. Cairo-educated Hashim Salamat, formerly the MNLF's vice chairman, has nurtured the MILF, reportedly with the financial backing of Saudi millionaire-terrorist Osama bin Laden. According to National Security Adviser Alexander Aguirre, the splinter group has now grown to 15,400 members (Murad claims 120,000 guerrillas), and the government fears the MILF is preparing for all-out war. Sen. Juan Ponce Enrile, a former defense secretary who fought Muslim separatists for 14 years, warns: "The MILF is preparing not just for a guerrilla war but for open warfare. It is well armed, well prepared and well trained, with funding and training coming from such countries as Afghanistan."

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or the past year, Manila has been trying to negotiate a peace agreement with the MILF. On. Jan. 21, the two sides met for three days of talks. The rebels presented three demands: first, safety and immunity guarantees for the guerrillas; second, punishment for human-rights violations by the military; third and most important, the establishment of a separate Bangsa Moro republic for the country's four million Muslims.

The last demand is unacceptable to the government, and in the face of the MILF's growing strength, Estrada recently decided to adopt a get-tough policy. He replaced the government's chief negotiator, low-key retired general Orlando Soriano, with another retired officer, Edgardo Batenga. A native of Mindanao's Sulu province, Batenga saw action against Abu Sayyaf, another MNLF splinter group. "Gen. Batenga is a more forceful negotiator and can relate better with the military," says presidential adviser Robert Aventajado. Estrada also removed Mindanao's South Command chief, Lt.-Gen. Edgardo Espinosa, for failing to stem the rapid growth of the MILF.

More was to come. On Feb. 15, the military launched an all-out offensive against the MILF's fourth-largest military hideout, Camp Omar. It was the biggest and bloodiest battle yet between government forces and the MILF since Estrada came into office in 1998. Armed-forces chief of staff Angelo Reyes told Asiaweek that close to 300 rebels died after 10 days of fighting. "We dismantled their checkpoints," he said. (Murad admits to losing only 11 men.) Reyes says the military is now prepared to launch an attack on the MILF stronghold, Camp Abubakar, if Estrada gives the order. A virtual town sprawled over 3,000 hectares, Abubakar in Maguindanao province is where MILF chief Salamat holds court.

The use of force is one part of a two-pronged strategy by the government; the other part is pouring funds into Mindanao to develop its agriculture and infrastructure. The aim is to economically rejuvenate the south, long the country's basket case, while militarily preventing the rebels from disrupting the process. Projects in the works include a $118-million container terminal and a $110-million bridge. There are also plans to upgrade the airport in Davao, Mindanao's premier city, and promote tourism in the area.

Against this background, Estrada's tour of Mindanao is an effort to show his commitment to the region. During the visit, he met with provincial governors and city mayors, promising them more money and calling on them to work together to transform Mindanao into "the country's food basket." On Feb. 28, he flew to Jolo, capital of Sulu province, to open a regional Olympics for ARMM. After a luncheon held in his honor, the president had a meeting with ARMM athletes inside an auditorium. Three clerics - a Muslim, a Catholic and a Protestant - each recited an opening prayer, one after another. When it was Estrada's turn to speak, he commented about the length of the prayers, but added: "I don't mind long prayers as long as God listens to us so that finally we can all be united and bring peace to Mindanao." Most Filipinos would share that sentiment - but are probably keeping their fingers crossed.

MINDANAO: THEN AND NOW
The Muslim separatist war in Mindanao dates back to 1972, when Ferdinand Marcos imposed martial law. The Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), formed a few years earlier and headed by Nur Misuari, immediately started a rebellion. After a few years of warfare, the MNLF and Manila signed the historic Tripoli Agreement in 1976. The accord was supposed to grant wide-ranging autonomy to 13 provinces in Mindanao, but the deal was not implemented and the insurgency lingered on. In 1978, Misuari's No.2 man, Hashim Salamat, established a splinter group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF).

In 1989, the government of Corazon Aquino held a referendum in the southern provinces, enabling them to choose between integration or autonomy. Only four opted for the latter, forming the Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The MNLF, which had demanded autonomy outright without recourse to a vote, rejected the whole process. The state of tension remained until 1996, when a Jakarta-brokered peace deal was signed by both sides, ending the 24-year rebellion. The MILF, however, continued with its struggle.

Misuari became governor of ARMM and chairman of the Southern Philippine Council for Peace and Development (SPCPD), a body formed to oversee the development of the 13 provinces. The SPCPD was seen as a possible prelude to an expanded autonomous region desired by Misuari. A final referendum to decide Mindanao's status is scheduled to be held this year, but given Misuari's flagging popularity, it appears unlikely that the provinces will opt for autonomy. Misuari thus wants the vote to be postponed.