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INSIDE AFRICA
Ethnic Relations in Kenya; Zimbabwe's Human Rights Situation
Aired September 6, 2008 - 12:30:00 ET
THIS IS A RUSH TRANSCRIPT. THIS COPY MAY NOT BE IN ITS FINAL FORM AND MAY BE UPDATED.
JIM CLANCY, HOST: Hello, everyone. And welcome to INSIDE AFRICA, your weekly window on the continent. I'm Jim Clancy in, once again, for Isha Sesay. On the show this week, we'll take you inside Zimbabwe, an exclusive interview with the human rights investigator who just spent five weeks talking to the victims of violence there. He describes how the punishment is meted out, who is behind it, and how food is being used as a weapon.
We'll also examine the state of ethnic relations in Kenya, six months after two fierce political rivals formed a unity government.
We begin in Zimbabwe, where political crisis drags on two and a half months after President Robert Mugabe declared victory in a disputed presidential runoff. A member of Amnesty International says nothing has changed since political violence erupted after the first presidential vote. That was late March.
Today, Simeon Mawanza, who is himself Zimbabwean, is talking exclusively with INSIDE AFRICA. His message, one that should be heard by everyone, especially African leaders who've been silent about what is happening there today. We began by asking Mawanza about the victims and why they were singled out.
(BEGIN VIDEOTAPE)
SIMEON MAWANZA, AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL: These were people who were singled out because they were activists within the MDC, particularly organizers at the local level. They were singled out because they were people who were not attending ZANU-PF rallies. They were singled out because they were human rights defenders or human rights activists. And they were being singled out through -- by the army directly, by the state intelligence organizations. They were being identified through local ZANU-PF leadership -- ZANU-PF is President Mugabe's party. They were also being identified through the war veterans who are allied with President Robert Mugabe's party.
How that came about was that the period leading to the March 29th elections was relatively peaceful and calm, and many people believed that the elections were going to be held in, you know, in an atmosphere where there was not going to be violence. And a lot of the MDC supporters did come into the open. They were putting on their T-shirts in their own communities. So it was very easy for someone to identify who was a ZANU-PF supporter, or who was an MDC supporter.
CLANCY: Simeon, the government has insisted that the violence was on both sides, that these were -- these were battles. And this is a very important point to study, to look at. What does the evidence show?
MAWANZA: No, the evidence that we've got during our research was that true, there were some reports of violence that have been perpetrated by the MDC. But our -- our conclusion is that most of that violence was retaliatory. The bulk of the violence that was -- that resulted in all these people being seriously injured was organized b the state, was -- was also organized by ZANU-PF, and the state security agencies like the army -- the army, the police, the intelligence officers were working hand in hand together, targeting MDC supporters.
In some districts like Bikita and Zaka, there were reports of retaliatory attacks by the supporters of the Movement for Democratic Change. But what needs to be pointed out is that the bulk of the victims of the violence were tortured at the informal structures or camps that were established by war veterans, by ZANU-PF and the security organizations. And there was no evidence suggesting that any one of those structures or one of those camps was established by the MDC.
So we do, yes, got evidence that there were some reports of MDC involvement in violence. But it was -- the bulk of the violence was perpetrated by the state and by ZANU-PF supporters.
CLANCY: Well, let's try to understand this a little bit more clearly. How did these people get singled out? Was it the election results that showed they had voted for the opposition, for Morgan Tsvangirai? Is that why there were -- they were hit so hard?
MAWANZA: They were hit so hard because there was the position (ph) that they had voted for -- for the MDC. How that came about was that the period leading to the March 29 elections was relatively peaceful and calm. And many people believed that the elections were going to be held, you know, in an atmosphere where there was not going to be violence, and a lot of the MDC supporters did come into the open. They were putting on their T-shirts in their own communities. So it was very easy for someone to identify who was a ZANU-PF supporter or who was an MDC supporter.
So after the result of the March 29 elections was released, and there was an attempt by ZANU-PF and the state security organizations to reverse the results of the presidential vote, there was a deliberate singling out of people who were known in communities to have been organizers for the MDC, as well as, you know, openly supported the MDC during the March 29 elections.
CLANCY: All right. We've looked at some of the violence here. But there is another dimension to this. With inflation well over a million percent right now, the people of Zimbabwe themselves are literally facing hunger on a daily basis. What did you find on that front?
MAWANZA: The food situation in the country is so desperate. But if we start with the victims of violence before we go into the general picture in the country. With the victims of violence, not only that they had their limbs broken, they also lost their livelihoods, because the violence was done in such a way that there was destruction of (inaudible), so food reserves were either plundered or destroyed because they were supporting the MDC. Some of them had their farming equipment taken away from them as part of the punishment. They had their animals killed to feed the hundreds of youths who were gathered at the re-education camps that were established by ZANU-PF.
Then the general picture in the country that there is not enough food in Zimbabwe. The humanitarian organizations, which should be -- by this month should be supporting about 2 million Zimbabweans giving them food aid, have not been allowed to operate freely.
CLANCY: So food is being used as a weapon now?
MAWANZA: Food has repeatedly being used from -- since the crisis began in Zimbabwe as a tool to target those government critics, and we -- the information that we're getting on the ground is that nothing has changed, and food will indeed be used as a political tool.
When you talk to people in Zimbabwe, they are very disappointed with the reaction or the lack of action by African leaders to apply pressure on the government of Zimbabwe so that it respects human rights. These people want their right to life to be respected, and as Amnesty, we've been campaigning across the African continent, and the message that we get from the victims is that we need to tell Africa that they need to act in solidarity with the victims, and not to be complicit -- complicit in the violations that have been going on in the country.
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CLANCY: Simeon Mawanza of Amnesty International there. He says despite all of their hardships, at the grassroots level, Zimbabweans are still hopeful. What they want to see more than anything else is support coming from the international community and specifically from other African states. ZANU-PF officials weren't immediately available to comment, but they have consistently denied the existence of an organized state-sponsored campaign of violence, and they have repeatedly accused members of the MDC of attacking government supporters.
Last month, both parties issued a joint statement acknowledging their supporters have perpetrated political violence. The government continues to ban CNN from reporting inside the country.
One of Robert Mugabe's fiercest critics was laid to rest Wednesday, and Mr. Mugabe was there. He and several other African leaders joined mourners at a state funeral for former Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa. He died last month at the age of 59 after suffering a stroke. President Mwanawasa once likened Zimbabwe's crumbling economy to the sinking Titanic. At the funeral Mr. Mugabe called him, and we're quoting, "a frank and courageous leader." Zambia's vice president will perform the duties of president until a new election is held, expected to come in November.
It's been six months since Kenya formed the unity government to settle an election dispute. The deal pulled the country back from the brink of an ethnic-based civil war. Up next, how are the country's main ethnic groups getting along these days?
Also ahead, a national debate in Tanzania. Just who is authentically Tanzanian?
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CLANCY: Welcome back, everyone. You're with INSIDE AFRICA.
You know, it's been almost six months since Kenya's president and main opposition leader formed a unity government. Well, their deal ended weeks of violence that erupted after the disputed presidential vote. The unrest had a strong ethnic component. In many cases, members of the Luo and Kalenjin tribes attacked Kikuyu neighbors. At least 1,000 people were killed. David McKenzie reports, many observers now say it's the politicians that are to blame.
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DAVID MCKENZIE, CNN CORRESPONDEN: The post-election violence in Kenya was given a lot of names -- ethnic conflict, tribal war. But independent observers say power politics was largely to blame for the violence.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: In Kenya like any other country, politicians are going to mobilize supporters, and for this it's easier to identify an enemy, it's -- you know, to identify divisions in society.
MCKENZIE: Divisions were evident even before the elections. During campaigning, Kenyan politicians rallied supporters along tribal lines.
President Mwai Kibaki found support amongst the Kikuyu tribe, long viewed as power brokers in the country. Opposition candidate Raila Odinga and his leadership reached out to Luo and other tribes that felt left out of Kenya's economic pie.
The resentment tore at the nation's fabric.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: The poor tribes in this country have been oppressed like myself. We have nothing in the government.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Will you respect the results if Kibaki wins?
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: If he steals the election, I will not accept that.
MCKENZIE: And many didn't. When Kibaki claimed victory in December's disputed election, the opposition cried foul. Violence erupted.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: This, a flare-up after the last general elections was said an ethnic war? I don't think so. I think that the political class used deception and propaganda on a poor and disadvantaged majority to say that our community is being oppressed.
MCKENZIE: There is history behind the propaganda. Observers say Kenya inherited a divide-and-rule colonial system that favored certain tribal groups with access to power. When the country gained independence, President Jomo Kenyatta continued the spirit of that system by favoring his own Kikuyu tribe in land settlement and purchasing.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: The land issue had never been sorted out at independence. The failure to address the issue of land ownership, land access, land management in this country remains as thorny as it was yesterday, because nothing literally has changed on that direction.
MCKENZIE: Another fact that remains constant -- while police went on the offensive, they mostly clamped down on poorer supporters of the political parties. And the poor targeted each other.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: If you look at who fought who -- those who burned houses or each other are the poor people. The well-to-do, we're still leaving side by side in the states of Nairobi, including the political class like myself.
MCKENZIE: In Kenya, while politicians have used their tribal support to gain power, ordinary Kenyans are left to pick up the pieces and heal the wounds.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: The violence of January and February and, you know, the politicians using ethnicity to mobilize their supporters has given ethnicity a bad name. We shouldn't forget, though, that, you know, people want to be proud about where they come from, their community, their language, their culture.
MCKENZIE: People here are proud of their heritage and their diversity, generally living in peace. But when the next election comes, many say they hope their leaders will find uniting rather than dividing rhetoric.
David McKenzie, CNN, Nairobi.
(END VIDEOTAPE)
CLANCY: Africa, of course, is home to several thousand distinct ethnic groups. And coming up, we're going to be examining the relationship between one of Tanzania's main minority groups and its wider society.
Also coming up, the complex implications of South Africa's black economic empowerment program. INSIDE AFRICA will be right back.
(COMMERCIAL BREAK)
(BEGIN VIDEOTAPE)
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Making business news in Africa this week. Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez signed a major oil and gas deal with South Africa during a two-day state visit. Details weren't released, but South Africa's state-run oil company is expected to get preferential rate for Venezuelan crude.
Renamed and ready to expand its reach, Kenya's second largest mobile phone company plans to shell out $364 million to upgrade network capacity. Zain's managing director says $44 million will target rural areas over the next three months. Zain is formerly known as Celtell.
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CLANCY: Welcome back. You're with INSIDE AFRICA.
A prominent black business group in South Africa says it accepts the high court ruling that reclassifies Chinese South Africans as black. The black management forum simply says it hopes the implementation goes smoothly. This ruling gives about 3,000 Chinese South Africans access to the black economic empowerment program. BEE, as it's called, was launched by the government to level the business playing field in the wake of apartheid. In many cases, it gives them preferential treatment in terms of business deals.
Well, critics including former archbishop Desmond Tutu, have said that the BEE has only served to enrich a handful of well-connected elites. We asked Jimmy Manyi, president of the Black Management Forum, about the program's effectiveness and its ethnic implications.
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JIMMY MANYI, PRESIDENT, BLACK MANAGEMENT FORUM: The situation that we're having now, you can over-utilization of the white people. And we're saying this is not sustainable. Let's integrate a lot more black people into the driving of the economy. That has been the challenge.
We're saying, with white people so few of them, it's impossible for them to manage the economy at the growth rates that we're anticipating. We're already at -- already growing at 4 percent economic growth, and it's expected to push to even higher levels. There is just no way that the few white people that we have here can manage all of that. And therefore, the integration of black people into the economy is a serious issue that everybody should embrace.
I mean, one of the values that we have here in South Africa and indeed in the continent is the value of (inaudible), where we value humanity. So, for us, the issue of embracing diversity is a key issue. And in fact, if you look at the Employment Equity Act, it's really about that. It's really about saying how do we ensure that all the various peoples that we have in this country are equitably represented, so that we can all put shoulder on the wheel so that we can all benefit equitably in the society. That's really what we're trying to do.
What has been happening in the past is that only a minority of people have been benefiting, but with the BEE policy, with employment equity policy, the objective is to ensure that South Africa is enjoyed by all those who live in it.
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CLANCY: The Black Economic Empowerment Program, or BEE, also includes measures to promote employment equity as well as skills development.
Just what makes someone truly Tanzanian? Up next, Tanzania reflects on a year-long ethnic debate. Stay with us.
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CLANCY: Welcome back to INSIDE AFRICA, everyone. A Tanzanian beauty queen is readjusting to life without a crown after creating a major stir in her country. Richa Adhia faced a chorus of criticism throughout her one-year reign as Miss Tanzania -- not because of anything she did, but because of her Indian heritage.
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CLANCY: Fireworks marked the crowning of a new Miss Tanzania, a fitting end, some would say, to the most controversial year in the pageant's history. The reign of outgoing title holder Richa Adhia fueled a national debate about just who is authentically Tanzanian. Born of Indian heritage, she proudly calls herself a third-generation native daughter. She says she knows no other country, but some say that is not enough.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE (through translator): First of all, she is not Tanzanian. She is from India, and she looks like an Indian. So I feel that at the competition, we didn't have a representative.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE (through translator): An Indian can't be a real Tanzanian because Indians are never fully committed to being Tanzanian. Even if you go to school with an Indian person, or live on the same street, as soon as they grow up and make some money, they're ready to leave and move to Canada or the U.K. They feel that that is where they belong.
CLANCY: Adhia says Tanzania is where she belongs.
RICHA ADHIA: When I came for to participate in Miss Tanzania, it was because I felt that Tanzania is multicultural, multiracial.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Yes. Yes.
ADHIA: So why not, you know? Why not interact, you know, with different kinds of people?
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Sure.
ADHIA: And that is why I came forth.
CLANCY: Indian Tanzanians are often accused of segregating themselves and creating enclaves. Many make a living as traders or business people, and their relative wealth has fueled resentment in other ethnic groups. The resentment, says journalist Sekina Datu (ph), has it roots in Tanzania's colonial past.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: The people of Indian origin were given a higher value than people of -- the black people. And therefore, soon after independence, there already was here a group of people who probably were better economically because of the colonialism and the system that was in place.
CLANCY: Tanzania's society also has a much deserved reputation as a mosaic. It is home to more than 120 ethnic groups, and historically, ethnic differences haven't been a big problem here. In fact, many Tanzanians willingly accept non-Africans into the fold.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE (through translator): Indians deliver their children right here, and their children go to some of our schools. So, if a pretty girl wants to be a contestant in the Miss Tanzania competition, she too should be considered.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE (through translator): She won the competition fairly, and her nationality was never an issue.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE (through translator): I was born and raised in Tanzania. My parents were also born here. I feel that all of us who are here and choose to live here are like family. We are one.
CLANCY: In the view of many, the beauty of Tanzania is in its ability to find strength and meaning in its own diversity.
(END VIDEOTAPE)
CLANCY: As a footnote to that, no Indian Tanzanians competed in this year's pageant, but some contestants did describe their ethnicity as mixed. As for Adhia, well, she's taking a break from all the scrutiny in her homeland. Right now she is in Italy doing some part-time modeling.
Before we go today, we have a programming note for you. You have more opportunities than ever to watch INSIDE AFRICA each week. You can catch us on Tuesdays at 08:30 GMT and on Wednesdays at 03:00 Greenwich Mean Time. That's in addition to the times that we already air. For a full list of those times, check our Web site at cnn.com/insideAfrica.
Isha Sesay will be back with you next week with a look at Kenya's Olympic marathon champion and much more. Thank you for being with us.
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